29 August 2024

Discussing how to counter antisemitism

Posts on this subject are obviously fraught, so a few things up front:
  • the moral question is simple: Palestinian liberation is right & necessary
  • the praxis is complicated: antisemitic entryism into the movement for liberation is subtle, pervasive, and unacceptable
  • the history is complicated: I have a survey of it which addresses many common misunderstandings on all sides
  • I keep an index of resources — my posts and others’

The policy

A sharp-eyed Twitter acquaintance passed along a comment about how New York University has recently updated their nondiscrimination and anti-harassment (NDAH) policy to include this passage:

Using code words, like “Zionist,” does not eliminate the possibility that your speech violates the NDAH Policy. Speech and conduct that would violate the NDAH if targeting Jewish or Israeli people can also violate the NDAH if directed toward Zionists. For example, excluding Zionists from an open event, calling for the death of Zionists, applying a “no Zionist” litmus test for participation in any NYU activity, using or disseminating tropes, stereotypes, and conspiracies about Zionists (e.g., “Zionists control the media”), demanding a person who is or is perceived to be Jewish or Israeli to state a position on Israel or Zionism, minimizing or denying the Holocaust, or invoking Holocaust imagery or symbols to harass or discriminate.

My acquaintance was spooked “that ‘Zionist’ is specifically protected, in great detail, in a way that other identity categories are not”. I get it. But I think that the verbosity is necessary as a response to how hard these policy questions quickly become. (This is a good place to point to Reb Danya Ruttenberg’s Antisemitism Post™ as a useful touchstone.) I feel safe in presuming that the NYU NDAH policy is the work of many hands trying to thread the needle of how all at once:

  1. Criticizing Zionism is not necessarily antisemitic
  2. Many Israel apologists like to disingenuously claim that any criticism of Israel or Zionism is antisemitic
  3. Vicious, deliberately antisemitic hate speech often veils itself by substituting “Zionists” for “Jews” so they can claim, “but I didn’t say anything about Jews!”
  4. Sincerely misguided people with no intention of offering antisemitism often stumble into implicitly antisemitic misinterpretations of Zionism
  5. It can be difficult to distinguish when antisemitism is in play unless one is very sophisticated

Most of that verbosity attempts to provide some guidance for identifying when anti-Zionism drifts into categories #3 and #4. But there is a nasty landmine in that policy statement which I feel certain came from someone in Category #2:

For many Jewish people, Zionism is a part of their Jewish identity.

What criticism of Zionism would not constitute a discriminatory attack on a Jewish individual who considers it “part of their Jewish identity”? I presume that whatever committee assembled this policy was diligently listening to disparate perspectives, and was not sophisticated enough to see how that clause was a ploy to lock out anything other than pro-Zionist voices. The committee got played.


The policy statement itself is an interesting example of the difficulty of navigating this territory. But I created this post to capture the even stronger example which surfaced in the Twitter discussion which followed, exemplifying my frustration when people who understand themselves as advocating the right and necessary cause of Palestinian liberation say facile, wrong things about ‘zionism’ and refuse to admit any need take care to avoid antisemitism in their movement.

The discussion

Here’s my original comment summarizing the point above:

I think the detail there is mostly appropriate, in distinguishing accurate use of “Zionist” from its applications as an antisemitic euphemism.

A sealion showed up to argue with me. I have a protocol for that.

I share our exchange not to call them out, but to point to the exchange as an example of how “you must not criticize me while I am opposing genocide” provides license to dismiss antisemitism.

why do you think that’s an error?

the point isn’t to accurately describe the world. no one was tricked.

Most of the quotation is trying to address the difference between allowing legitimate criticism of Zionism versus protecting against use of ‘zionist’ as an antisemitic dogwhistle. “Part of their Jewish identity” is an entirely different argument …

the rule exists to prevent students from criticizing zionism. it does not exist to prevent “antisemitic dogwhistle[s]”

there is not a legitimate purpose to the rule, at all, and anyone who acts like there is (for example: you) has chosen to defend zionism.

I do, in fact, defend Zionism, in part because antisemitic dogwhistles about ‘zionism’ are very real.

if you think that’s important when the zionist occupation is killing people every day, you’re nothing more than a useful moron

This is a red flag. It implies that anything is justified by outrage at wrongs committed by Israel. It implies that naming any fault in any action taken in the name of countering Israel’s wrongs is illegitimate. You could skip the rest of this post; it mostly consists of me trying to get this interlocutor to name any example of antisemtism offered under cover opposition to Israel’s wrongs they would object to, and them refusing to.

If you think that antisemitic entryism into the movement for Palestinian liberation is irrelevant because of the genocide in Gaza, you are nothing more than a useful moron

Note that I say early on, and repeatedly, that Israel’s attack on Gaza is genocidal to signal that no, I am very far from an Israel hardliner looking to suppress anti-Israel criticism.

i think it’s irrelevant to campus policing except as an excuse to crack heads of people who think death is bad, which is precisely what this is!

It sounds to me like you don’t want to protect legitimate criticism of Zionism, you want to protect antisemitic “criticism of ‘zionism’”


BBC | Columbia campus protester apologises for ‘kill Zionists’ comments

well, you’re in good company ’cause it sounds to me like you want to attack criticism of zionism, not “antisemitic” criticism of zionism.

I am advocating the removal of the element of the policy which rightly offends you, so you are either dangerously confused or clearly dangerous

the policy as a whole is what offends me. if you’re incapable of concluding that from my words, the fault is not mine.

policing the language of people who criticize genocide is not a job for campus cops.

NYU has no interest in people saying “end the genocide, kill the Jews” on their campus?

You should reconsider.

My interlocutor did not reply. I handed them unequivocal antisemitism which they could join me in opposing, and they did not pick it up.

Another tributary in the forking of the Twitter exchange:

I do, in fact, defend Zionism, in part because antisemitic dogwhistles about ‘zionism’ are very real.

I also criticize Zionism for a host of reasons

The “part of Jewish identity” argument in the policy is, as you say, a disingenuous blanket defense of Zionism against such criticisms

and yet here you have chosen to carry water for a policy that only exists to prevent criticism of zionists.

No, I oppose the inclusion of “Zionism is a part of their Jewish identity” in the policy

i mean that you’re arguing the policy to ban criticism of zionism has a legitimate role at all, notwithstanding your quibbles over the exact wording.

your defense functions to protect the killers by arguing for this policy, even if you claim not to want it to.

No.

I’m defending the part of the policy which is legitimate because it does not ban criticism of Zionism.

For example, per the quoted text of the policy, saying “Zionists control the media” is an antisemitic conspiracy theory.

buddy, i do not plan to read your blogspam. i have no desire to be exposed to anything at all that comes from your mind unbidden.

Interesting that this person actively prefers the limited medium of Twitter to the opportunities for clarity in an essay.

That is the end of that fork. Backing up a step to catch another tributary:

Most of the quotation [from the NDAH policy] is trying to address the difference between allowing legitimate criticism of Zionism versus protecting against use of ‘zionist’ as an antisemitic dogwhistle.

“Part of their Jewish identity” is an entirely different argument. The “part” analysis implies a need to prevent any criticism of Zionism because those criticisms fault Jews for characteristics inherent in being Jewish. It is a much more expansive claim, built on a false premise.

If one wanted to prevent any criticism of Zionism, one would not make a distinction between legit criticism and antisemitic dogwhistles at all. If one wants to ground protections in that distinction, one would not make the “part of identity” argument.

The argument in the quote is at war with itself.

The likeliest explanation is that it was authored by someone unsophisticated about antisemitism who was trying to respond to a range of arguments from actors with very different analyses.

you’re being charitable to a degree that betrays either your simplicity or your complicity.

I am not. The “part of Jewish identity” argument is massively disingenuous.

If the authors of the policy wanted simply to prevent all criticisms of Zionism, they would have said only that.

that line exists so that title VII religion protections can be used, not because the author of the statement thinks some criticism of zionists is acceptable!

how credulous are you? do you trust when a matress store has a “going out of business” sale that lasts four years?

The author of the “part of Jewish identity” argument rejects any criticism of Zionists.

But that policy is clearly the work of many hands. If they wanted what the author of the identity argument wants, they would not have included all those details.

if they hadn’t included it, they wouldn’t be able to use protections against religious discrimination to defend the zionist colonial project.

you are too credulous to understand the world.

Why would they then muddy the water with the parsing of specific examples where ‘zionist’ serves as a veil over antisemitism?

That makes no sense.

the specific examples are the fig leaf! they exist to justify the policy to credulous liberal morons, even though it will certainly be used against any and all criticism of the zionist state, not just that which you consider illegitimate.

We started from [my Twitter acquaintance]’s criticism of the “fig leaf”!

My point is that the problem lies elsewhere, in the “identity” argument.

Will you please allow me to make the point that YOU ARE RIGHT?

the problem is the policy itself. it has no reason to exist except to punish criticism of the zionist project.

defense of any part of the policy contributes to the defense of that project.

there is nothing worth salvanging here.

Nothing worth salvaging? You oppose censure for

calling for the death of Zionists, applying a “no Zionist” litmus test for participation in any NYU activity, using or disseminating tropes, stereotypes, and conspiracies about Zionists (e.g., “Zionists control the media”)

?

yes, i oppose a policy that bans any group from excluding zionists! obviously! that is antithetical to organized protest — if a group is not allowed to exclude their political opponents, what is the group for?

I think I agree with you on that point.

But you are dodging my question.

no, i an answering it with a resounding “yes”; i do oppose the thing you asked me if i oppose, and you agree that my justification is legitimate.

next question.

I dropped that fork to catch up on their replies to me completing a thought with a second tweet

Nothing worth salvaging? You oppose censure for

calling for the death of Zionists, applying a “no Zionist” litmus test for participation in any NYU activity, using or disseminating tropes, stereotypes, and conspiracies about Zionists (e.g., “Zionists control the media”)

demanding a person who is or is perceived to be Jewish or Israeli to state a position on Israel or Zionism, minimizing or denying the Holocaust, or invoking Holocaust imagery or symbols to harass or discriminate

?

yes, because i am not an idiot.

that paragraph could be twisted to say that comparing the perpetrators of the genocide in palestine and the perpetrators of the genocides in the holocaust is antisemitic and against the policy. i assume it will be.

any protections against antisemitism will obviously be used to defend the genocide in Gaza” is itself an antisemitic claim, Sibling.

I urge you to reconsider.

And yes, comparing the perpetrators of the genocide in Palestine with Nazis is antisemitic

The Nakba and ongoing oppression of Arab Palestinians in Israel and the occupation and the military policing of the PA and the escalation to genocidal violence in response to Hamas’ 10/7 attack are all nightmare horrors.

And it remains wrong to call Israel “like the Nazis”.

[The Nazis] built murder factories.

They fed the doomed a calculated amount which optimized death by starvation, so they could make sure they were not accidentally killing people faster than they could dispose of the bodies.

i am referring to the scholarship of professor Yeshayahu Leibowitz. are you saying that he is an antisemite?


YouTube | Prof. Leibowitz: There are Judeo-Nazis. Israel Represents the Darkness of a State Body.

FWIW, I do not find it useful to call anyone an antisemite: Nouning Considered Harmful*

I do think that just as we have a norm that white people must never use The N Word (even in service of saying not to use it!) so too one can call Israel “fascist” or “genocidal” but never “like the Nazis”.

Nested quotes (like the bit above beginning “The Nakba …”) is me quote-tweeting myself. My interlocutor Blocked me for a bit while they continued to reply to me. There is something magical about the times when a sealion comes into my mentions, I reply to their comments directed to me and no others, and then the sealion Blocks me when the conversation does not go the way they want.

A little later, they unBlocked me and picked back up.

it’s a yes or a no question. answer it with one of those.

do you actually believe “comparing the perpetrators of the genocide in Palestine with Nazis is antisemitic” or not? if you do, professor leibowitz’ comparison is antisemitic. if you don’t, please clarify your belief.

I have not yet watched the video in full, but a quick look indicates that yes, Liebowitz is doing antisemitism.

I wish I could say that one can trust anti-Zionism from Jews, at least, to not be antisemitism.

But the creepy cult zealots of the Torah Judaism Twitter account exemplifies how no, one cannot.

[From a thread which became a blog post I linked repeatedly in this discussion.]

Yes, comparing the perpetrators of the genocide in Palestine with Nazis is antisemitic.

I have a hard time finding a generous interpretation of your determination to protect making that comparison.

thank you for demonstrating the inconsistency of your positions by claiming that an orthodox Israeli professor’s scholariship is antisemitic for making legitimate comparisons between nazi and zionist ideologies and practices

My position is entirely consistent.

Compare Zionism with fascism. Compare the Nakba with the genocide of Native Americans. Compare Meir Kahane with Swami Aseemanand. I might agree!

Just don’t compare Zionists with Nazis. It should be obvious why.

nothing is obvious except how the Zionist project benefits from a blanket ban on comparison between them and the Nazi project

I encourage you to skip down to “the function of misrepresentation” [on this blog post] for an exploration of one reason why the comparison of Zionism to Naziism is antisemitic

i’ve already expressed my opinion on your blogspam. if you cannot be bothered to write about it here, i cannot be bothered to read your spoor.

There are plenty of other equally damning criticisms of Zionism to make.

Referring to Nazis is so very upsetting to many Jews — even those of us who are anti-Zionists! — that it is a deliberate insult and a manipulative tactic.

It is a choice with a clear meaning.

it is a comparison between two governments, both bent on the destruction of certain peoples not their own. refute it on the merits, unless you cannot.

if you cannot countenance this because it is “upsetting,” you are welcome to cloister yourself away from the public square.

The Nakba was genocidal. We must condemn it.

The current attack on Gaza is genocidal. We must fight to end it.

And the Nazis were categorically worse.

They built murder factories.

They fed the doomed a calculated amount which optimized death by starvation, so they could make sure they were not accidentally killing people faster than they could dispose of the bodies.

They put a sign over the door: “work makes freedom”.

you have literally admitted here that both regimes are genocidal, that both are motivated by racial animus and the desire to destroy another racial group.

and yet! you claim that any comparison between the two is unacceptable.

you can see why this comes across as dishonest.

I stipulate that yes, Jews take disproportionate offense to being compared to Nazis.

As Black people take disproportionate offense to white people using The N Word.

But so what?

If one says something offensive knowing that it will offend, whether or not it was justified one is responsible for the choice to offend.

Thus it is as antisemitic to compare Jews to Nazis as it is racist for white people to use The N Word.

I did not receive a reply on that branch. Switching to a related fork:

Yes, comparing the perpetrators of the genocide in Palestine with Nazis is antisemitic.

I have a hard time finding a generous interpretation of your determination to protect making that comparison.

I have to say, you are doing well at demonstrating the case for the verbosity about standards for talking about Zionism which had [my acquaintance] worried

funny, to me you seem to be eloquently demonstrating how these sorts of rules exist only to protect zionist interests, but ah well.

Saying “if you won’t let me call Zionists ‘Nazis’, you are only protecting Zionist interests” does not make the point you seem to think it does, Sibling.

you are no sib of mine

I am trying to remain mindful of our common humanity while you insist on the importance of protecting every expression of antisemitism in the movement for Palestinian liberation.

You are not making it easy.

no, you’re a liar. don’t twist my words.

where precisely did i argue for the “protecting of every expression of antisemitism” in any movement?

i decried the blanket ban of comparing two specifc genocidal regimes, because there are useful comparisons to be made.

that you can’t denigrate me without outright lying about what i’ve said doesn’t make you look more honest, Buddy

You said here that opponents of the genocide in Gaza have a right to say anything. Is that not protecting every expression of antisemitism they might make?

the policy as a whole is what offends me. if you’re incapable of concluding that from my words, the fault is not mine.

policing the language of people who criticize genocide is not a job for campus cops.

I said policing the language was not a job for campus cops. i did not say that it should never be discussed.

it is job for the Palestinian people and no one else. it is especially not a job for those who are aligned with the zionists killing them, like american police.

I believe that, given the horrors they face, we should cut Palestinians significant slack for intemperate language.

That does not extend to allowing them to adjudicate what constitutes antisemitism.

What group other than Jews would you subject to that standard?

i’m not subjecting any racial or religious group to any standard

i am saying that any person should be allowed to compare genocidal regimes to each other, and that attempts to stop this function only to protect those genocidal regimes.

i do not think that any genocidal regime should be afforded any special considerations regarding the language we used to discuss it because those considerations will always be used to silence the critics of those genocidal regimes.

it is acceptable to allow for some offensive speech in the criticism of any government which is committing a genocide because stopping any genocide is more important than stopping offensive speech.

you are making the case that some speech is so offensive, we should have rules against it — rules which you have acknowledged will be used against legitimate criticism of genocidal regimes — while i think that there is no speech so offensive that banning it is worth this.

My position is entirely consistent.

Compare Zionism with fascism. Compare the Nakba with the genocide of Native Americans. Compare Meir Kahane with Swami Aseemanand. I might agree!

Just don’t compare Zionists with Nazis. It should be obvious why.

If you object to this standard, then you should see why I think you are really just looking for license to say antisemitic things rationalized as protest against Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza

i don’t think that’s true, and i definitely don’t think you’ve presented any reasoning that would make it true.

why should i see that? certainly not because you’ve explained it. Certainly not because it’s obvious to everyone; it is not obvious to me.

present your argument!

If you cannot make your case with reference to fascism, every other genocide in history, and every other political movement in history?

If you really need to call Jews “Nazis” to make your case?

That is not a case worth making.

where, exactly, did I say that anyone “need[ed]” to call anyone anything?

I said that the restrictions you think the discussion of genocide should be subject to serve no one except genocidal organizations.

you can evidently read. don’t act like you can’t.

The restriction I have focused on — because you have decided to advocate against this restriction — is Don’t Call Jews “Nazis” and Don’t Call ‘Zionists’ Nazis Because That Lands As The Same Thing.

yes, restricting criticism of a specific genocidal organization serves only that organization. conflating criticism of the zionist occupation of palestine with the writings of Turner Diaries enthusiasts serves that same genocidal cause.

Who is conflating criticism of Israel with the writings of Turner Diaries enthusiasts? Not me.

you are saying that any comparison between the zionist state and the nazi state is antisemitic, yes?

i am using the term as a metonym for “antisemitic” to emphasize the lack of governmental power held by those who’s distasteful speech you think should be criminalized.

I should note that that anti-Zionist tic of referring to Israel as “The Zionist State” singles out Israel as uniquely illegitimate among nations, which is a red flag.

You are making a huge leap there.

The Turner Diaries is a racist, antisemitic manifesto for a bloody fascist revolution.

I can fault the racism of a white friend using The N Word while singing along with a hip hop song without saying it is as bad as The Turner Diaries.

By that same principle, your enthusiasm for comparing Israel to Nazi Germany is antisemitic, but it is nowhere near in the same weight class of antisemitism as The Turner Diaries.

I received no reply. Stepping back to get one last fork:

The restriction I have focused on — because you have decided to advocate against this restriction — is Don’t Call Jews “Nazis” and Don’t Call ‘Zionists’ Nazis Because That Lands As The Same Thing.

Are you really saying this only serves “genocidal organizations”?

Like you, I want to avoid creating an instrument for blocking any criticism of Zionists & Zionism. This discussion started from me objecting to the “Jewish identity” clause in the NYU policy because of that problem!

So what bad restrictions do you see me advocating?

Is there any conceivable comment made in the name of countering the genocide in Gaza which you would object to as antisemitic?

certainly there are comments i would object to on the basis of their innacuracy.

that does not mean that i would ever support a policy to punish people for making them, because i know that it can also be used as a weapon to suppress perfectly legitimate criticisms.

So your answer is no, you cannot think of any comment made in the name of countering Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza which is actionable.

“Free Palestine! Kill the Jews!” contains no “inaccuracy”, so it is both OK with you and should not be subject to action by NYU?

if you are going to keep pretending to be subliterate in order to misrepresent what i have said, i am not going to continue entertaining you

I have yet to hear you identify any comment made in the name of countering Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza which you would consider meaningfully antisemitic, much less actionably antisemitic.

So I posed an example to see what you think of it. Hence the question mark.

Your comment “that does not mean that i would ever support a policy to punish people for making them” seems utterly clear that there is no comment made in opposition to Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza which you consider actionable.

Perhaps you want to rephrase?

Lemme take a step back here.

I recognize that powerful hardline Zionist organizations show up to disingenuously claim that every criticism of Israel constitutes “antisemitism”.

As I am Jewish, my disgust at that is intense.

And it should be obvious how the movement for Palestinian liberation presents an opportunity for entryism by, as you put it, “fans of The Turner Diaries”.

As I am Jewish, my dread over that is intense.

And I agree that Israel’s genocidal attack on Gaza is horrific and requires the strongest efforts we can muster to stop it.

As I am Jewish, my disgust that Israel claims to commit these atrocities in my name enrages me.

So not for nothing, for months the Tweet I have kept pinned on my profile emphasizes how unfair it is that we have navigate disingenuous claims about antisemitism by the worst people, on all sides, while we confront these horrors.

It is profoundly unfair to the important — and currently urgent — cause of Palestinian liberation that it is a minefield of deceit and outright lies in all directions, plus accidental & deliberate antisemitism.

But one must step carefully. Please do.

So please register that I am not trying to trick you into accepting fetters on our efforts to end the genocide.

And please also register that this flak from you exemplifies why Jews who oppose Israel’s wrongs do not step up more.

Those were my last comments to my interlocutor, and they have not replied.

I wish I were surprised that I have not received any example from them about a statement which would be out of bounds.

28 August 2024

What I think Israel was trying to do in 2024

Posts on this subject are obviously fraught, so a few things up front:
  • the moral question is simple: Palestinian liberation is right & necessary
  • the praxis is complicated: antisemitic entryism into the movement for liberation is subtle, pervasive, and unacceptable
  • the history is complicated: I have a survey of it which addresses many common misunderstandings on all sides
  • I keep an index of resources — my posts and others’
Update:

Though I still believe that in 2024 it over-read the Likudniks to take them as pursuing the annexation of Gaza through the death or expulsion of all Arab Palestinians, as of the first week in February 2025 Netanyahu’s embrace of Trump’s declaration of support for annexation moots the analysis below. Barring a profound transformation of the political order in Israel, we must take annexation through expulsion and mass murder as the plan.


I have called Israel’s attack on Gaza genocidal since just a week after Hamas’ 7 October attack, informed by the article A Textbook Case of Genocide in the leftist Jewish publication Jewish Currents.

Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza is quite explicit, open, and unashamed. Perpetrators of genocide usually do not express their intentions so clearly [⋯] Gallant’s orders on October 9th were [⋯] explicit. Israel’s goal is to destroy the Palestinians of Gaza. And those of us watching around the world are derelict in our responsibility to prevent them from doing so.

That said, it amazes me to have a social media feed full of people managing to describe genocide with inventive exaggerations of the horrors, which I would have thought impossible. I have written before about the double-edged sword of needing to call the attack genocidal despite the word inviting confusions.

Weak understanding of genocides conjours serious misunderstandings of the dynamics shaping the situation. I would rather counter them directly than to back away from using the term “genocide”, which we need in order to respond to both this crisis and others we can sadly expect in the future.

Here I want to unpack what I think Israel is and is not doing, drawing on resources I accumulated in an ongoing Twitter thread.

My analysis in brief

Israel’s ongoing attack on Gaza is not the fulfillment of ambitions prior to 10/7 on the part of Netanyahu, his Likud governing coalition, Israelis in general, or the long Zionist movement. Israel is neither trying to kill off Gazans nor trying to annex Gaza.

Rather, Israel’s attack began as simply a traumatized, bloodthirsty panic response after the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack, with Netanyahu desperate to distract Israelis from the catastrophic failure of the security policy which underpins his claim to leadership. Americans who remember 9/11 should understand this well.

Israel’s attack then quickly developed into a poorly-considered attempt to secure Israel, using ruthless military force to destroy Hamas, so that Israel can return to their perpetual brutal military policing of Gaza from the outside, as they did over the prior decade plus. Israel targets neither Gaza’s people nor the Palestinian Authority pseudo-state created after Oslo. The destruction Israel wreaks is “collatoral damage” from Israel’s callous willingness to kill as many civilians as it takes to eradicate Hamas. Enacting & justifying that leads inevitably to genocidal brutality, in violation of international law and basic human decency.

Preëmpting an objection

The state of The Discourse being what it is, some read this as nothing other than pro-Israel apologetics: “Gosh, Israel is technically engaged in a ‘genocide’ but golly, the genocide is Not Really That Bad”.

No. Finding Israel’s attack a few notches short of the worst conceivable horror still recognizes it as horror. Genocide is genocide. It is evil. Netanyahu, the Likudniks, IDF leadership, and far too many IDF soldiers belong in the dock at the Hague for crimes against humanity. All people have an obligation to unequivocally demand the end of these horrors. (Plus justice far beyond returning to the status quo ante.) The US has an obligation to sever all support for Israel until they permanently end this, make amends to the people of Gaza, and deliver Israeli leaders to justice.

Nor am I drawing on denials of Israel’s wrongs. My analysis rests on experts, Palestinians fiercely critical of Israel, … and one Israeli frankly eager to kill Palestinians. This post was born from me forwarding a Twitter thread by Palestinian İyad el-Baghdadi | إياد البغدادي <@iyad_elbaghdadi> back on 13 November 2023. That whole thread is worth your time. (I have captured it in full at the bottom of this post.) I want to surface a key bit. Emphasis mine:

Right off the bat let’s debunk some common misconceptions about “genocide”: You don’t have to exterminate everyone for it to be genocide. Genocide is not a crime of body count (although body count matters). Genocide is a crime of intent.

I was heartened and honored to see this notification about my Twitter thread which grew from that first RT:

Screenshot of <@sjaltiarna> reposting the first tweet in my thread

I invite you to examine Hjalti Árna’s <@sjaltiarna> feed to see whether he would share apologetics for Israel. (Spoiler: He would not.)

Filling out my read of events

In the months immediately after 10/7, I saw a lot of conspiracy theories arguing that Netanyahu & his Likudnik coalition cunningly engineered Hamas’ atrocities of 10/7 in order to justify to the world the extermination of Palestinians in Gaza they longed for. This makes no sense.

Bibi cares what the world thinks? Israel lacks the capacity to kill more civilians than they have? Netanyahu’s backdoor support for Hamas as a foil gives him control of Hamas? The Likudniks were in power for two decades and just now got around to their master plan? No.

Though history is rich in horrors and brutality in the name of Israel, neither Zionism nor Israel nor even Likud rule have been driven by a lust to kill Palestinians. The viciousness since 10/7 is a shocking escalation beyond anything Israel has done since the Nakba.

Netanyahu’s policy toward Gaza has long been clear. In 2005, when he became leader of Likud, Israel removed all of their settlements in Gaza. During his tenure as Prime Minister of Israel for 14 of the last 15 years, he has maintained a cordon of military policing outside of Gaza; whenever Palestinians demonstrated the slightest threat, he ordered IDF rifles, artillery, and bombs to Teach The Palestinians A Lesson, with the expectation that Palestians would eventually accept their unjust, impoverished conditions and stop bothering Israelis. Until 7 October 2023, it had been his unmistakable plan to maintain that stupid, lazy, brutal order forever.

It was, of course, absurd to imagine that Palestinians would surrender to their oppression. On 10/7 Israel was blindsided by Hamas’ attack demonstrating that of course Israel’s policy did not even ensure security for Israelis.

Netanyahu could only imagine that this catastrophe resulted from insufficient brutality, and lashed out. Once that started, his nebulous endgame was only to crush Hamas militarily and return to the status quo ante. This was evident in the Council on Foreign Relations’ brief Israel’s War on Hamas: What to Know from just two days after 10/7:

A common argument about counterterrorism is that “there is no military solution,” but that’s not completely true, provided that a country does not care about harming civilians. For instance, the Sri Lankan military’s campaign in 2009 completely crushed the Tamil Tigers. An estimated twenty thousand civilians were killed along with the Tigers’ founder and leader, his entire command staff, and virtually all the organization’s officers and rank-and-file. A terrorist group can be destroyed in this way, but it comes with a tremendous loss of civilian lives.

Everything which has happened since aligns with that prediction.

Netanyahu avoids naming an endgame, so it is tempting to look to the bloodthirsty Kahanists in the Likud coalition like Ben-Gvir who do want to kill every Palestinian in Gaza … and then also in the West Bank … and to annex all of that territory under the flag of Israel. But they do not hold the tiller. We know because Israel’s strategic choices do not align with their aspirations. Bloody as these last several months have been, Israel obviously could have killed many more Palestinians had they chosen to. Even Israel hardliners who would rationalize annexation concur about Israel’s aims:

An impenetrable buffer zone facing Israel, another on the Egyptian Rafah border to control all access, and 2 salients dividing the strip into 3 areas. The northern one is now under construction.

Demilitarised with no way to rearm.

This plan is a fantasy which will not even serve Israel. Israel apologists’ arguments for its necessity are nonsense.

There is close to a consensus among counter-terrorism experts that beating groups like Hamas requires two complementary elements: a sustained campaign to degrade its military capabilities and a political change to undermine its power among the populations that support it.

Israel, then, could have responded to October 7th with a protracted counter-terrorist campaign. Over years (not mere weeks or months), Israel could have built (or re-built, rather) its capacity to collect high-quality intelligence to identify, locate, and target the Hamas operatives in Gaza. Israel could have then targeted high-value Hamas figures with surgical airstrikes and special forces incursions into Gaza. This would include targeting both Hamas leaders and the foot soldiers who perpetrated the October 7th massacres.

Israel used this exact strategy in the wake of the second intifada in the early 2000s. The campaign effectively led to a sharp decrease in Hamas’ ability to kill Israelis. The strategy was so effective that for a while, Hamas hid the name of its leader to prevent him from being targeted.

And in parallel, Israel would have had to open up a viable political alternative to Hamas for Palestinians.

We must recognize Israel’s strategy as genocidal both because of the catastrophic impact it has already had on Gazans and because it lays track for escalation to even worse when it inevitably fails to produce the “peace” and security its architects imagine.

And we must recognize that Israel has not yet committed to even worse horrors. We need to be clear-eyed so that we may best act to prevent things coming to that.

Related commentaries

Foreign Affairs | Israel’s Paradox of Defeat

This article is actually about Israel’s internal dynamics on the first anniversary of the 10/7 attack, but it opens with an overview of events which supports my thesis.

Last October 7, Hamas surprised Israel’s famed military and intelligence agencies. Both had known, for years, about the Palestinian armed group’s preparations to invade Israel and kill and kidnap its soldiers and citizens. But they failed to believe that it would dare or succeed to execute such an unprecedented operation. The Israeli military and intelligence services; Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu; and the wider Israeli public all believed that their country’s fortified southern border was so impenetrable, and the balance of power so favorable to Israel, that Hamas would never challenge the status quo.

But Hamas did challenge it. In the days and weeks after it launched its devastating attack, a common refrain among Israelis was that “everything has changed.” And for a time, it appeared that everything had: the assault shattered Israelis’ fundamental self-confidence, upending long-held beliefs about the country’s security, politics, and societal norms. The leadership of the Israel Defense Forces lost its prestige almost overnight as details emerged about how it failed to prevent the attack and then arrived too late to save border communities, military outposts, and defenseless attendees at a music festival.

The political drama that had gripped Israel over the nine months leading up to October 7—Netanyahu’s attempt at a sweeping overhaul of the judiciary, aimed at curbing the independence of state institutions such as the Supreme Court, the office of the attorney general, and the technocratic civil service to direct more power toward his right-wing and religious allies—vanished from view. The overhaul’s main architect, Justice Minister Yariv Levin, all but disappeared, presumably eaten up by remorse for his contribution to Israel’s distraction ahead of Hamas’s assault. Netanyahu assembled a unity war cabinet representing different—and normally bitterly opposed—political factions and, within days, called up about 250,000 reservists to launch a counteroffensive into Gaza.

Overcoming its initial shock, the IDF then fought back with a vengeance. Charged with dismantling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities, it reduced large swaths of Gaza to rubble, made nearly two million Gazans internal refugees, and killed more than 40,000 Palestinians — about a third of them Hamas militants, according to official Israeli assessments. The IDF effectively stopped Hamas’s rocket fire into Israel and dismantled much of its Gazan tunnel system; it says it has shattered the formerly well-organized terror group into scattered guerrilla teams.

But even with the IDF occupying about a third of Gaza’s territory, to many Israelis, the current situation feels like defeat. Despite full mobilization and the near-unwavering support of the U.S. government, the IDF — still under the same command as it was on October 7 — has failed to win. Hamas’s leader, Yahya Sinwar, has not surrendered. And around 100 Israeli hostages remain missing in Gaza, about half of them still alive, according to Netanyahu’s public statements.

This calamitous stasis, coupled with Israel’s growing global isolation and increasingly gloomy economic outlook, contribute to a national sense of hopelessness and despair. In fact, paradoxically, important facets of Israeli politics and society have changed surprisingly little since the immediate aftermath of Hamas’s attack. Citizens of border communities in the north and the south remain unable to return to their homes. Rather than uniting Jewish Israelis against a common external enemy, Israel’s now multifront fight against its external enemies has only widened preexisting social and political fissures between Netanyahu’s opponents and his supporters. Beating the expectations of his foes and his friends alike, Netanyahu continues to act as the center of gravity in Israeli politics. The right-wing coalition that keeps him in power has amped up its quest to crush the Palestinian statehood movement and “replace the Israeli elite,” a euphemism for demolishing Israel’s democratic and liberal institutions.

“A mass assassination factory”: Inside Israel’s calculated bombing of Gaza

An examination of how indifference to civilian casualties is entirely sufficient to explain the deadliness of Israel’s attack, from +972 on 30 November 2023:

In one case discussed by the sources, the Israeli military command knowingly approved the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians in an attempt to assassinate a single top Hamas military commander. “The numbers increased from dozens of civilian deaths [permitted] as collateral damage as part of an attack on a senior official in previous operations, to hundreds of civilian deaths as collateral damage,” said one source.

“Nothing happens by accident,” said another source. “When a 3-year-old girl is killed in a home in Gaza, it’s because someone in the army decided it wasn’t a big deal for her to be killed — that it was a price worth paying in order to hit [another] target. We are not Hamas. These are not random rockets. Everything is intentional. We know exactly how much collateral damage there is in every home.”

IDF measures to “prevent” civilian casualties

An examination of a shallowly mechanistic pseudo-humane effort which only adds insult to injury. More Terry Gilliam’s Brazil than gulags, not that deaths from absurd miscalculations are any less tragic than deaths from deliberate calculation. From James Rosen-Birch <@provisionalidea> on 2 Dec 2023:

Over 1.6M people were told to evacuate from the red zone, south. They have not been allowed to return.

Now, the south has been cut into sectors sequentially subject to, as the IDF says, “crushing military attack”. It has been called “a macabre game of Battleship”.

The IDF’s approach to notifying civilians this time was to publish a digital map and text people the cell numbers to be bombed in the next fifteen minutes. Gazans don’t have electricity and are under a communications blockade. I kid you not, this is “like and subscribe if you don’t want to die” — to people with no power or internet.

Civilian deaths

A tally far too low to reflect an effort to kill civilians, but far too high to believe that Israel has made the necessary efforts to protect civilians, from the UK Guardian on 9 Dec 2023:

In the first three weeks of the current operation, Swords of Iron, the civilian proportion of total deaths rose to 61%, in what Levy described as “unprecedented killing” for Israeli forces in Gaza. The ratio is significantly higher than the average civilian toll in all the conflicts around the world from the second world war to the 1990s, in which civilians accounted for about half the dead, according to Levy.

The hollow endgame

A Twitter thread from Monica Marks <@MonicaLMarks> on 26 June 2024 demonstrating how Israel’s strategy is barely a plan at all.

After nearly 9 months, this paper floating around Israeli leaders’ desks seems the closest Netanyahu has to a “day after” plan. It contains a parade of red flags re:

  1. basic respect for post-WWII laws of war
  2. Palestinians’ self-determination
  3. realistic achievability

The first precondition for Israel’s day after here is “total defeat” of Hamas à la WWII defeat of Germany & Japan. This comparison neglects the fact that total war tactics on the order of Dresden, Hiroshima & Nagasaki are now politically unfeasible & illegal under international law.

The paper’s authors analyzed post-World War II Germany and Japan as successful cases, and Iraq and Afghanistan after the U.S. invasions as unsuccessful cases.

The first precondition is the total defeat of Hamas, the paper states.

”If there is no total defeat, there is no point in starting the attempts at deradicalization, rehabilitating systems, building new governing infrastructure and so on. History teaches us that rehabilitation under fire will fail,” the paper states, citing American nation-building attempts in Iraq and Afghanistan while the wars were still ongoing.

The erasure of Palestinians’ core grievances — about the injustices of occupation & blockade, degrading & dehumanising treatment, and denial of self-determination — and their conflation w/ Nazi & kamikaze extremism ignores the elephant in the room and reads as prejudicial & essentialist.

“From a murderous ideology to a moderate society: transforming and rebuilding Gaza after Hamas” is a 28-page paper, obtained by Jewish Insider, outlining four academics’ recommended dos and don’ts for ensuring Hamas and Gaza are no longer a threat to Israel.

Israeli academics Netta Barak-Corren of Hebrew University, who is currently at Princeton University, Danny Orbach of Hebrew University, Netanel Flamer of Bar-Ilan University and Harel Chorev-Halewa of Tel Aviv University teamed up in November, on a volunteer basis, to combine their expertise in law, military history and the Middle East and compile their recommendations, which they have said all members of Israel’s now-defunct war cabinet read.

According to the document, “Israel’s ability to achieve its goals depends not only on the military and diplomatic campaign taking place these days, but also on its ability to rehabilitate and transform a nation that was led by a murderous ideology, to produce stable institutions and an Arabic culture that does not educate for jihad, a culture that accepts the existence of the State of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people.”


[Emphasis hers]

It’s worth noting that, even in Germany & Japan, US occupation “succeeded” by

  1. addressing, rather than perpetuating, extremism push factors (eg: Marshall Plan)
  2. realising that German & Japanese societies weren’t death cult monoliths + pushing towards democratic elections

Secondly, this plan fundamentally opposes Palestinian self-determination & democracy. It regards “Arab democracy” in general as both threat & cultural oxymoron, and aspires to a Gaza that’s ruled by some combination of Egypt, UAE or Saudi with significant restrictions on speech. Endorsing Israel-approved satrapy & authoritarianism in Palestine renders criticism of both Hamas’s authoritarianism and Abu Mazen’s resistance to elections (both are real problems) hypocritical. Continued repression is a recipe for rebellions and does not address the core drivers.

Lastly, this plan peddles the surprisingly stubborn fiction that Egypt, UAE, or Saudi will step in with a deus ex machina (and antidemocratic version of) the Marshall Plan for Gaza — simultaneously patrolling the rubble on Israel’s behalf and bailing the enclave out Daddy Warbucks-style. The short response here, from those living in the real world, is that they will not. Analysts knowledgeable on the Gulf powers’ Israel-Palestine policies, like Aziz Alghashian <@AzizAlghashian> and Hussein Ibish, have been repeating this since October. The political & security risks are too high, as are the risks that Israel simply destroys the new hospitals or whatever else they’ve built in the next round. The entitlement in assuming the Gulf will magically clean up Israel’s mess & embroil itself in insurgency is profound.

Israel certainly hasn’t spent the past 9 months sweetening any vision of this plan for its Arab partners, either. It’s played fast & loose with the UAE’s marquee efforts to aid Gaza, as shown by its attacks near its field hospital & on the World Central Kitchen convoy it funded.

So it’s exceedingly bleak, though unsurprising, that this paper is “circulating” on Israeli leaders’ desks after 9 months of levelling Gaza into an uninhabitable wasteland that will be far harder for anyone to administer, let alone curb extremism in, even in the best of scenarios. What we see here are tacit justifications for eliminationism / total war, stubborn refusal to address Palestinians’ core grievances, and a managing-the-conflict (versus solving it) approach that kicks the can down the road.

The reliance on magical thinking about the wants & capabilities of Israel’s Arab partners also make this a quixotically aspirational approach — too vague and unrealistic to constitute a viable plan. If this accurately reflects the closest thing Netanyahu has to a day-after plan for Gaza, there’s a high likelihood Israel will tumble into drawn-out military occupation of the strip, which will strain and wither in ebbs & flows of humanitarian crisis for at least a decade hence.

Crucial additional point here from John Lyndon:

Key variable between Palestine and Japan / Germany (there’s lots…):

[Japan & Germany were] sovereign states beforehand, occupied for 7 years afterwards, before sovereignty restored.

57 years of occupation in Israel-Palestine before Oct 7th — and no sovereignty in past nor on offer for future — limits the comparison’s utility.

An Israel hardliner’s read

Saul Sadka is a cheerleader for Israel’s attack who obviously would applaud the IDF killing as many Gazans as possible. Instead, on 21 August 2024 he described in detail evidence that the IDF are trying to do almost exactly what I have described Israel doing, delighted by evidence that Israel is close to reconstructing Gaza along the lines of the cantonized West Bank Palestinian Authority.

In March, after analysing satelite maps and speaking to friends who had been in Gaza, I predicted the IDF plan, which has finally come to fruition today. Israeli tanks are now busy taking control of the port of Khan Younis (red dot) having vacated and cleared the third corridor at Gaza's narrowest point at Kisufim.

An impenetrable buffer zone facing Isarel, another on the Egyptian Rafah border to control all access, and 2 salients dividing the strip into 3 areas. The northern one is now under construction.

Demilitarised with no way to rearm.

Alongside the ever widening Rafah corridor that hermetically cuts Hamas off from resupply, and the now 6km wide Netzarim corridor with its 5 fortified bases that separates Gaza City from the rest of the Strip, Gaza is now cut into three. The humanitarian zone is now also cut in two by the new corridor.

Expect this new corridor to be fortified with bases. I would not be surprised if the IDF decided to form two additional corridors (yellow lines) to separate Beit Hanoun from Gaza City and to separate Rafah from Khan Younis.

The 1km buffer zone along the border looks to also be almost entirely cleared.

There are also a number of other military roads that have had large areas around the cleared of obstacles meaning that the IDF can sit back in their bases but be at any point in Strip with 5 minutes and via unpredictable routes. The point is to make the Gaza Strip strategically controllable by a minimal IDF force.

The only urban areas that the IDF have yet to enter in force (though they are already starting) are the towns in the central portion, Deir al Balah and Nuseirat. Only there can the Hamas infrastructure still be anything like its pre-war level.

It is almost certain that most of the remaining Hamas leaders, including Yahya Sinwar, are hiding out there, as are most of the most remaining hostages. They are now surrounded on four sides, with no hope of resupply, totally enemy surveillance as if they were in a fish tank.

The IDF has played this really well. They played the slow game, perhaps against their will and under US pressure, but managed to reduce Hamas from a dug in mighty army able to fire 1,000 rockets at hour to a insurgent rabble who can only fire a rocket on special occasions.

Hamas are contained and almost totally defeated. Israel did this at a cost of 330 heroes while eliminating 17,000 enemies, taking 5,000 POWs, and taking many 1,000s more out of the fight via injury.

The purple areas are the two central corridors, and they surround a rectangle of land about 3km by 10km where we can expect the final major engagements to be fought:

The towns of Deir al Balah and Nuseirat are the only places where Hamas still might have major infrastructure that hasn’t yet been destoryed of heavily degraded. Anyone who doubts the massive degradation of Hamas consider:

  1. Their response to the elimination of their number one leader was to fire two rockets into the sea. They used to fire hundreds each day.
  2. Even assuming a minimal 0.5 major injury per fatality rate and taking the maximum figure of 40,000 for Hamas’ initial strength, they are reduced to at most 8,000 men after POWs are acciunted for. It is probably much lower, since both those assumptions are very generous.

Demonstrating genocide

The full Twitter thread from İyad el-Baghdadi from 13 November 2023 about how Israel’s moves, though short of maximal slaughter, still unmistakably qualify as genocide:

How can someone who writes such a wonderful analysis make the claim that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. This is neither backed up by facts nor scientifically tenable by the definition of the word. It is simply wrong. And discredits the very good thread.

Alright, since you decided to ask me, I’ll tell you why the same guy you praise for “wonderful analysis” also concludes, based on the facts & evidence, that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza:

There are multiple definitions of genocide, but the most widely cited is the 2002 Rome Statute’s, which established the International Criminal Court (ICC). Around 120 countries are signatories (notably the US and Israel still refuse to sign it):

Article 6
Genocide

For the purpose of this Statute, “genocide” means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
  1. Killing members of the group;
  2. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
  3. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
  4. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
  5. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Right off the bat let’s debunk some common misconceptions about “genocide”: You don’t have to exterminate everyone for it to be genocide. Genocide is not a crime of body count (although body count matters). Genocide is a crime of intent.

The bar for the crime of genocide is met when there’s intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a people. “destroy” can manifest in many ways — killing is one, but also inflicting upon them unlivable conditions. “Conditions calculated to bring about the group’s destruction”.

Since intent is key, let’s focus on it. Normally*, whoever commits genocide won’t go out and say “hey we’d like to wipe these people out”. Normally, they hide their intent, and intent is typically the most difficult part to prove. (Hold on to the word “normally” for a sec please)

Since intent is rarely explicit, the law allows it to be inferred from broader context including:

  • Scale & systematic nature of the violence
  • Chosen methods
  • Choices of victims/targets
  • Evidence of cover up
  • Patterns of narratives / speech used by political / military leaders

Alright, so let’s for a sec follow the “inference” route. It is now very well documented that Israel systematically targeted:

  • Hospitals
  • Water tanks
  • Solar panels
  • Journalists
  • Bakeries
  • Fishing boats
  • Schools
  • Ambulances
  • Residential blocks
  • Aid & UN workers

(I don’t have to go point by point because all of the above is very well documented and even captured live). It’s also well documented that Israel’s chosen bombs / methods are indiscriminate (easily proven by the fact that ~70% of the 12k dead are women, children, or elderly).

It is also well documented that Israel:

  • Cut off the flow of food, water, & fuel to a civilian population
  • Targeted basic telecom infrastructure (internet, phone service)
  • Used easy-to-debunk disinfo & lies to pin the blame for every one of its atrocities on the other side

I know the typical US reaction would be “but Hamas!” To them Hamas is hiding in water tanks and solar panels. But if this is about Hamas, someone explain why 150+ Palestinians (incl 40+ children) have been killed in the West Bank, where there’s no Hamas?

Anyway: It’s also well documented that Israeli ministry of intel produced a multi-stage plan for inflicting mass suffering on the population of Gaza to force them off their land and into the Sinai desert. So far Israel is following this plan actually. ([This] is important because while “ethnic cleansing” is not by itself a crime under the Rome Statute, it is widely acknowledged that there’s a continuum between genocide & ethnic cleansing. Genocide is often a way to ethnically cleanse a people or force a population transfer.)

It’s also uncontroversial that Israel’s leaders have repeatedly and systematically used language & references that makes it clear that everyone in Gaza, and not only Hamas, is a target. Israel’s PM even tweeted it, and not just once:

Prime Minister of Israel <@IsraelPM> 10/16/23:
This is a struggle between the children of light and the children of darkness, between humanity and the law of the jungle.

Netanyahu declaring invasion: “You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible”

1 Samuel 15:3

“Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have, and spare them not; but slay both man and woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass”

Okay so now that we get to the speech/rhetoric of Israeli leadership, we can drop the pretense that we have to “infer” genocidal intent. There’s so much documented. Remember I told you to hold on to that “normally” a few tweets ago? Yeah, you can stop holding on to it now.

There are several folks who have been collecting these statements of intent. One of them is br Abu Bakr Hussain who’s updating a list daily and has it available for download as well. Not everything in his list is from politicians / leadership, but a lot is.

You can also look at the replies under this tweet. I believe others including Muhammad Shehada <@muhammadshehad2> and Mohammed El-Kurd <@m7mdkurd> also have been collecting official & unofficial statements under tweets & in threads of their own.

Craig Mokhiber worked at the UN for 30+ years and until recently was director of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights’ NY office. Listen to him explain how normally intent is the hardest to prove, but in this case, intent “is an easy case to make”:

In his resignation letter dated 28 October, Craig Mokhiber, who served as the director of the New York office of the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, labelled Israel’s military operations in Gaza as “textbook genocide”

But now that we’re citing experts, let’s mention how so many actual genocide scholars have assessed that Israel is committing the crime of genocide. Again there’s so much of this that I can’t fit it all in a thread but some are under this tweet:

Is someone collecting all the statements & opinions by actual genocide scholars & researchers whose professional assessment that what is happening in Gaza right now is genocide? If you do please link. If you don’t please retweet.

An important voice has been Arnesa Buljušmić-Kustura <@Rrrrnessa>, who is both an academic expert on genocide and a survivor of genocide. But there’s also Luis Moreno Ocampo, ex-ICC prosecutor. And Raz Segal, an Israeli expert on modern genocide:


Democracy Now! — “A Textbook Case of Genocide”: Israeli Holocaust Scholar Raz Segal Decries Israel’s Assault on Gaza

(BTW correct me if I’m wrong but even in the case of the Bosnian genocide & the Iraqi Kurdish genocide, explicit public statements of intent were relatively scarce and intent had to be inferred from chain of command orders & military tactics / context. Here it’s more explicit.)

So yes: I write some decent threads on geopolitical analysis. Yes: I’m a human being who gets exhausted and triggered. But when I say Israel is committing genocide it’s not hyperbole. It’s a conclusion based upon the facts & evidence, and the conclusion of many noted experts. Ultimately whether or not it’s genocide will have to be determined through a thorough international independent investigation, followed by a fair, balanced, public trial. But we know we won’t get that. Israel & the US are not party to the ICC. Israel is above the law.

I can still hear them say “but Hamas!”

  • Hamas very likely committed war crimes & crimes against humanity on Oct 7
  • Israel’s actions since Oct 7 (fully backed by the West) can credibly be described as genocidal

No contradiction there.

Reminder that I have a team and we have to eat & pay rent so we’d appreciate your support:

  • Here (one-time donations)
  • Here: (recurring donations)

Thank you all for your solidarity, from this Palestinian heart.

Okay, you could read the entire thread. Or you can just skip here and listen to an actual genocide expert lay it out better than I ever can. Worth the 13 mins of your time. Thank you Owen Jones <@owenjonesjourno>.

This entire post emerges from my own Twitter thread which started from sharing the thread above.

The comment skeptical that Israel’s attack qualfies as genocide, which kicked of Baghdadi’s thread, responded to an earlier, even longer thread of Baghdadi’s addressing an array of dynamics shaping the first few weeks of Israel’s attack on Gaza. It is so instructive that I have captured it as well, in its own post.

21 August 2024

Gaza, the Democratic Party, and strategy

Posts on this subject are obviously fraught, so a few things up front:
  • the moral question is simple: Palestinian liberation is right & necessary
  • the praxis is complicated: antisemitic entryism into the movement for liberation is subtle, pervasive, and unacceptable
  • the history is complicated: I have a survey of it which addresses many common misunderstandings on all sides
  • I keep an index of resources — my posts and others’

Friends and allies have recently given me a hard time for saying that Candidate Harris has been wise to avoid a strong position against Israel's attack on Gaza. This is not because I support Israel, or am willing to sacrifice Palestinains in service of the political fortunes of the Democratic Party. So why?

What is right

A week after 10/7 it was clear that Israel’s attack on Gaza was genocidal. Had I been President, by November of last year I would have made every move I could to both pressure Israel and to end US complicity, including blocking weapons and other aid, freezing Israeli assets, and any other move the State Department could come up with. I can respect the President moving slower, either because he did not register how bad things were so quickly, or because he was trying some backroom pressure first — both of which I think apply to Biden — but by January at the latest the President had a moral obligation to act.

I want to examine the strategic headwinds against that.

Biden’s early situation

I believe that a moral stand was the only thing the President could achieve.

Had he made the moves he should have, he would have been drawn into an ugly and politically expensive Congressional fight over the limits of Presidential authority, which he would have lost. Even had the US completely cut off Israel, it would not have changed their course. Netanyahu is committed, able to prosecute the attack into the near future without US support, and rightly confident that Israel can find other sponsors. Imagine Putin seizing the opportunity to move a major US ally into his column.

Consider this this observation about the domestic dynamics deterring Biden from making a hard move:

If you are a ‘why can’t Dems do an immediate arms embargo of Israel’, I’d like you to think about how much you credited Biden for ending the war in Afghanistan. And if the answer isn’t ‘so much that I defended him loudly on every issue after that’ you have your answer. [⋯] The reason people support the status quo is that breaking from the status quo comes at a huge political cost. Biden wasn’t rewarded for ending a war. Obama wasn’t rewarded for getting us healthcare.

Biden is not the kind of pol to take a stand for strictly moral reasons. And it is obvious that his moral reasoning is too sympathetic toward Israel, as an old man stuck on the memory of Israel as weak and embattled, as a creature of Washington’s longstanding alliance with Israel for a constellation of mostly ugly reasons.

Biden’s current situation

Pragmatic deterrents to action have only stacked up over time.

Having dithered for so long, taking an entirely moral stand would be weak and incoherent. What, Israel is only in the wrong now? At this point the President must focus on what could be effective.

Even if Biden cares not at all about Palestinian lives, he does have every reason to want a lasting ceasefire at least through Election Day. It would make him, Dems, and by extension Harris look effective. Even Americans who think Israel has been entirely in the right want an end to the fighting. And more importantly, it would get the issue off the table so Biden can do other things in his last few months in office, with securing a Harris win at or near the top of the list.

But the US can only cut off Israel once. If one admits any pragmatism at all, the President must keep our powder dry for when the US has the most leverage, whether just grasping for political advantage or actually trying to protect Palestinian lives. Plausible windows of opportunity include:

  • A moment when Netanyahu faces a major domestic challenge to his power
  • Immediately after the Israelis finally ditch Netanyahu, when the next leader is hungry for US support
  • Immediately after a President Harris takes office, to say “there is a new sheriff in town”

We still should not wait, but given those conditions, we will.

Candidate Harris’ situation

Frankly I doubt that a President Harris will do the right thing and take the opportunity to present an immediate hard line against Israel. But I love that I don’t know, because Candidate Harris is wisely keeping away from the issue as much as she can. Whatever stance a President Harris would take on Gaza:

  • From the position of a candidate, she cannot affect Israel’s actions
  • It would be hopelessly awkward for Candidate-and-also-VP Harris to run directly against Biden on any issue, much less foreign policy, much less Gaza
  • Gaza is a wedge issue for Democratic Party voters, so no stance can increase her strength, and despite progressives feeling like “everyone” sees Gaza as a nightmare, most Dems in the base remain at least somewhat sympathetic to Israel

So I hope that Harris will continue to steer clear, and expect that she will.

Implications for advocates of Palestinian liberation

Maddeningly, this leaves nothing to gain and much to lose by pressuring Candidate Harris. Nothing addressed to her candidacy can impact Biden’s policy while he is President. Any movement critical of Candidate Harris will alienate Dems enthusiastic about her candidacy, which the movement to protect Gaza cannot afford. Anyone who fails at an attempt to move her as a candidate will look weak. Most importantly, linking the issue of Gaza to Harris hurts her in the election, and pessimistic as I am about what President Harris’ Israel policy will turn out to be, I am 100% certain that Trump’s would be worse, so even if you share my pessimism and care only about Palestinian liberation, supporting a Harris win is vital.

So galling as has been to see the Dems dodge the issue at the Convention, the best place for the movement to stand is — and will continue to be — outside the Presidential race. We face a grisly interval during which the genocide will continue while US opponents of Israel’s attack on Gaza cannot plausibly do anything to compel the US government to act.

I don’t pretend to have any standing in the movement for Palestinian liberation, but for what it’s worth I see things implied in these dynamics which both the movement and I can do to prepare for whatever turn comes after that. If we propagandize inattentive Americans with the case for ending Israel’s attack on Gaza and for American support for Palestinian sovereignty in the longer term, Dems will follow them. Cultivating visible, broad movement strength & public support gives it political power. Convincing Harris that she can work with the movement increases the degree to which she will.

If, as I hope, President Harris proves even a bit better than Biden, progress on those fronts will give her cover to act. If, as I expect, President Harris is no more interested in protecting Palestinians than Biden has been, these same things will make pressuring her more effective. If, as I dread, we face a President Trump, these same things will enable a coalition with Democrats and others resisting the many horrors.

The situation is awful. Let’s do what we can, prepare for future opportunities, and not make things worse.

An earlier version of this case

Responding to the crafty three-minute “Freedom” ad for the Harris campaign, a Twitter acquaintance I respect commented:

Now do this juxtaposed with the horror the US is funding in the #GazaGenocide 🤢

As long as the US remains unwilling to admit faults, this won’t mean shit

There’s a reason it’s a pride flag. Not the inclusive pride flag also celebrating trans rights

#hypocrites

In the course of discussion starting there, I said some things worth capturing.


The clip is propagandizing for a national public interest in inclusivity in terms intended to motivate Americans uncertain whether that is desirable.

That is short of the profound inclusivity we need, but in the face of fascism I will take it as a valuable instrument.

Understand that I think the Biden administration and Democratic Party are wrong to not take a much harder line against Israel. I believe there are strong moves the US can make which could force Israel to end the horrors. And even if ineffective, we have a moral obligation.

But.

It is legitimate to think that Biden does not have better moves available.

There are good reasons to expect that Netanyahu will shrug off any pressure Biden could possibly apply, making it wise for the US to keep our powder dry for a better opportunity. There are good reasons to think that if Biden tried to block the exercise of prior US commitments to Israel, he would lose the resulting fight in Congress, wasting the last leg of his Presidency to no benefit.

And support for Israel is a wedge issue among Dems. Given that the Dems are in a close race against fascists who would support Israel’s attack more, a reasonable person could consider avoiding it the least worst option, even just in terms of protecting Palestinians.

Again, I think it is wrong to conclude that this is Least Worst. But that is a legitimate position. It explains why Dem leaders who want the US to work harder to end to Israel’s attack on Gaza have not forcefully raised the issue at the convention.

I offer no moral defense of Biden or the Democratic Party here.

If I were POTUS I would exercise every lever I could to end Israel’s attack on Gaza and American complicity in supporting it, including a total trade embargo, freezing Israeli assets, et cetera. Biden has failed in his moral obligation to stand against the horrors Israel is enacting in Gaza, and he has been far too credulous and rhetorically supportive about Israel’s propaganda.

I do believe that Biden has made what he believes is the best possible effort to move Israel to a lasting ceasefire — not out of any compassion for Palestinians, but out of craven desire to neutralize the issue in our politics — but he has bungled it.

I do credit Biden with having played a pretty good hand in deterring escalation to a regional conflict. Reasonable people may read that as sacrificing Palestinians in Gaza. Reasonable people may also call that sacrifice the Least Worst option. I disagree with both reads.

But I do not fault the Harris / Walz campaign for trying to dodge the question. It would be both foolish and irresponsible for them to run explicitly against Biden on anything, much less foreign policy questions, much less Gaza.

I cannot fault the Democratic Party for not arguing against the majority of Dem voters’ support for Israel during a three-minute propaganda video produced to make their case to voters who pay precious little attention to politics but may watch a bit of the convention.

If I were in Harris’ shoes I would not criticize protestors against the attack on Gaza as she has, but I would otherwise avoid the question of Gaza as much as I possibly could during the campaign, just as she is doing. There is no upside to the Harris / Walz campaign standing up for Gaza even if the only thing that matters to you is Gaza. There is no version of that which actually deters Israel or helps Gaza. There is no version of that which does not hurt the Harris’ chances in the election, which risks an array of nightmarish results from a Trump presidency, including greater support for horrors in Gaza.

I confidently expect that Harris will not do as she should and stand up for Gaza on Wednesday 6 November. But I will save that criticism for when the day comes.

I hate the neoliberal Democratic party establishment as much as you do. I could spend all day on the faults of the Biden administration and the current state of the Democratic Party. They have brushed aside progressives who knew better. But do not misread the moment.

The Biden administration has delivered the strongest progressive policy package since LBJ despite weakness in Congress. The Harris campaign has already delivered the strongest progressive message of that same era. It’s not nearly good enough. But it is not nothing.

The neolib strain in the Party remains strong. Harris has been one of them for a long time. It seems all too likely that they will knife progressives again in 2025. But that hasn’t happened yet. This is the least punching left I have seen from the Party in decades.

Yes, capitalist liberalism has a long history of foolhardy alliances with fascism against the left. That is much too evident in our current condition. But at the moment, the Democratic Party is mostly joining hands with progressives rather than making that mistake right now. There are countless things wrong with the Party’s response to Israel’s attack on Gaza and to the crisis of democracy in the US. The Harris campaign avoiding the wedge issue of Gaza is not one of them.

2025 update

I am raw about the people who called me a “genocide apologist” for this post.

After the election, I was frustrated to see many people in the movement for Palestinian liberation claim that they had demands which Harris could have easily satisfied, that her failure to deliver for them cost her the election, and that the movement was right to abstain from voting to teach the Democratic Party a lesson and to keep their hands clean. I think none of those things were true.

If one believes the Harris campaign obviously would have picked up easy electoral support by taking a harder line against Israel, you have to believe that Harris (and Biden) are motivated more by hating Palestinians than by desire to win the election. The two claims are mutually-dependent and mutually-reïnforcing. But the first is factually false, and the second is absurd.

At the time the “clean hands” argument about refusing to accept Harris as the Lesser Evil was foolish. I consider people who cling to it now morally deranged, given the Trump regime not just enabling but encouraging the further escalation of the horrors in Gaza. Palestinans are paying for those “clean” hands with their blood and suffering.

Given these frustrations, I am paradoxically delighted by Uncomitted organizer Waleed Shahid’s dishonest August 2025 reflection The Uncommitted Movement, a Year Later, because it pretends that they did what I said they should do — supporting Dems while building movement support that they could use to push Dems in office after the 2024 election.

These party insiders were extremely skeptical that Harris would break with Biden or Netanyahu in a major way without being pushed in that direction from outside and within (donors, voters, networks of leaders). What they saw in Uncommitted was the beginnings of that infrastructure: a multifaith, multiracial, multi-issue coalition — Left and center left, elected officials and community leaders, Black, Jewish, Arab, Muslim, Christian, with major labor unions — that could speak the party’s language to create both cover and pressure for a real shift on weapons transfers.

The lesson isn’t that protest fails. It’s that protest without power hits a ceiling. Moral clarity must be translated into leverage — votes, donors, validators, and a multiracial and multifaith network that includes labor, black institutions, and Latino organizations. Primaries are where that leverage is built. If party elites respond to money and votes, movements must organize both. The alternative is the democratic deficit we saw up close: a stage managed for a false sense of unity, boundaries set by outside money, and no reliable channel for accountability in a presidential year.

I’ll pretend to believe that the Uncommitted folks understood that at the time if it keeps them organizing voters, because that does seem to be working.

Understanding the right

I devoted decades to difficult good faith discussions with conservatives, trying to see past my own lefty sensibilities to understand them on their own terms.

I heard the right warn that history teaches the bitter lesson that equality is a dangerously seductive political ideal which leads to ruin. I heard the right grumble that the left dominates and silences them with the immense power we weild.

These last several years finally revealed the logics which animate these claims which seem utterly absurd to us on the broad left.

The right’s frustration with liberal “dominance” is not delusional. The right live in a society where most of the rhetorical touchstones of our political culture conflict with their most fundamental sensibilities. Some on the right understand themselves well enough that they resent how that conflict forces them to lie, but I believe that most on the right cannot name that conflict even to themselves and just feel something stuck in their throat.


The right do not fear the unintended consequences of egalitarian politics. The right hate the intended consequences. The right find equality morally disgusting.


One can no more ask the right to articulate why they oppose equality than one can ask the left to justify equality. These are axioms. The moral principle runs too deep to explain. Recall “we hold these truths to be self-evident”, refusing to dignify alternative core principles with an argument.

The right find equality so repulsive that they assume that people on the broad left must secretly feel the same way. Hence the right’s baffling insistence on the left’s hypocrisy, on the left’s denial of the “obvious” truth of “human nature”, on the injustice of the left “silencing” them. Hence the right’s casting of “equality” as the thinnest possible faux fairness, their rejection of robust egalitarianism as a naïve misunderstanding of what equality means.

I have a distant sympathy for that frustration. My own assumption that everyone ultimately wants equality blinded me to what really drives the right. But now I know.

An aphorism

A later addition of a thing I keep saying about conservatives’ insistence that they understand “human nature”:

Conservatism says, paradoxically, that we must exercise the strictest possible measures to maintain a social order which is obvious and natural … since civilization will easily collapse if we do not.

13 August 2024

Not Zionism

Posts on this subject are obviously fraught, so a few things up front:
  • the moral question is simple: Palestinian liberation is right & necessary
  • the praxis is complicated: antisemitic entryism into the movement for liberation is subtle, pervasive, and unacceptable
  • the history is complicated: I have a survey of it which addresses many common misunderstandings on all sides
  • I keep an index of resources — my posts and others’

Anshel Pfeffer, writer at Ha’Aretz, writes in a NYT editorial in 2022:

Jewish fundamentalists are now the dominant element in the Israeli governing coalition led by Benjamin Netanyahu. They plan a hostile takeover of Jewish identity.

Several ministries have been created with a focus on Jewish identity. They will be led almost exclusively by the members of parties representing the various strands of modern Jewish fundamentalism — parties that resist any form of modernism — as well as the elements of the Zionist Orthodoxy that are increasingly both ultranationalist and ultra-Orthodox.

These parties are imposing on Israel a definition of Judaism that refuses to recognize the validity of the non-Orthodox streams, with which the majority of American Jews identify. They are even demanding a change in the most fundamental link between Israel and the Jewish diaspora: the Law of Return, which grants Israeli citizenship to Jews and their descendants. They have promised to make those with at least one Jewish grandparent and who are not recognized as Jewish by the Orthodox rabbinical establishment ineligible for automatic Israeli citizenship.

Reported in Ha’Aretz in September 2024:

After landing in Israel, Franks filed an application with the Jewish Agency to start the aliyah process in his first week. He submitted the necessary documents and had an appointment with the Population and Immigration Authority scheduled for July 10.

But he was detained in the West Bank on suspicion of obstructing a police officer after photographing the arrest of a Palestinian minor, he said, and missed the appointment when his passport was confiscated.

Two other arrests, one in the West Bank again and the other at a protest for a hostage release deal, became grounds for stopping his aliyah application, and he was instructed to leave the country. “I dreamed of making aliyah to Israel and establishing a family, and it was taken from me,” Franks said.

I have had numerous very unpleasant encounters with people making an irresponsibly facile assertion that the Likudnik coalition’s genocidal attack on Gaza reflects the fundamental truth of ‘zionism’.

This does not bother me because I am a Zionist; I am not. But if we are to make sense of the long-term injustices in the history of Israel-Palestine which have escalated into the current horror, we need to clearly understand the animating history & ideologies. And if we are stupid about Zionism, we open a door to antisemitism.

Countless times I have made the distinction that the Likudniks do not demonstrate What Zionism Necessarily Means, while gritting my teeth and conceding that they do reflect an important ideological & historical strain in Zionism. I will not do that any more.


Zionism is predicated on all Jews belonging to an ethnic people with common interests. This is not that.

Zionism is predicated on creating a homeland for all Jews. This is not that.

The Likudniks running Israel are not even Zionists.

02 August 2024

Phylacteries, D&D, and Judaism

For reference, I have some resources about a small controversy indicative of how subtle antisemitism turns up in all kinds of places.

Eric Silver’s article Dungeons & Dragons Has an Antisemitism Problem provides an introduction to the problem of the use of the word “phylactery” in the tabletop roleplaying game Dungeons & Dragons:

For a more explicit example of villainizing Jewish objects and folklore, take the Lich, a powerful being who has cheated death by becoming something unholy. Liches separate their souls from their bodies and put them in special places called a “phylacteries” so they can never die. I don’t know about you, but phylactery is a word I’ve only ever seen used as the English translation of the Jewish ritual object, tefillin. The phylactery is specifically described as “a charm or amulet, or repository used to store small parchments bearing holy scripture or arcane writings.” Sound familiar? Even stranger, the lich was created by Gygax, someone fascinated with historical religious study. He made the choice that an undead wizard king would keep his soul in something that Jews use for daily prayers. Recent editions backtrack from those origins, but Wizards has stuck with “phylactery.” They bury the Jewish coding of the lich, but much like the lich itself, allow it to live on.

It’s worth contextualizing Gygax’s enthusiasm for “historical religious study” as reflecting his complex, vigorous Christianity, which Jon Michaud describes in the article The Tangled Cultural Roots Of Dungeons & Dragons in The New Yorker:

What was largely unknown or omitted from this brouhaha is that Gygax was an intermittently observant Jehovah’s Witness. This startling fact crops up about halfway through Witwer’s biography, when he notes that Gygax’s “controversial” game, along with his smoking and drinking, had led to a parting of the ways with the local congregation. Up until that point, the matter of Gygax’s faith had gone unmentioned in the biography, and it is barely discussed thereafter. (The book’s index does not have an entry for “Jehovah’s Witness” or “Gygax, Gary — religious beliefs.”) Given the furor that D. & D. caused, the absence of a deeper analysis of Gygax’s faith is a glaring omission. In a recent interview with Tobias Carroll, Witwer acknowledged that Gygax “was a practicing Jehovah’s Witness. He would go door-to-door and he would give out pamphlets. He was pretty outspoken about it, as a matter of fact.” The reason for almost completely excluding it from the biography, Witwer says, is that “I couldn’t find it [as] a huge driving force in his life. … I didn’t want to be too heavy-handed with that, because I’m not clear that, especially with his gaming work and even his home life, how big a factor that was on a day-to-day basis. But I do know he was practicing.”

Gygax was enough of a believer in the sect’s dogma to post a note in the International Federation of Wargaming Monthly informing its readers that he did not celebrate Christmas because the Bible commands “that the followers of Jesus refrain from having anything to do with pagan religious celebrations.” This from a man whose company would go on to publish books called Gods, Demi-Gods & Heroes and Deities and Demigods, in which beings from numerous pagan religions were codified for inclusion in Dungeons & Dragons.

Brian Cortijo has a Twitter thread exploring the relationship between the D&D thing and the Jewish practice.

Ok, so first it bears understanding what the two words mean and where they come from, and then how the understanding of what tefillin are might have caused the conflation of the words.

lich (n) comes from the Old English, and means “body” or “corpse.” This “lichfield” is just a fancy way of saying graveyard. In fantasy literature, the word was brought in initially to mean an animated corpse of some kind, and later narrowed to reference to a powerful being that has avoided death. More on this later.

phylactery (n) comes from the Greek phulakterion for “amulet,” which is kind of straightforward. Before that, it comes from the verb phulassein (also Greek), related to guardianship.

So, literally, an amulet is something you wear to protect yourself. Which, as people familiar with tefillin know, isn’t what we do with tefillin. They are a reminder of our obligations, not magical talismans. But two of the four Torah passages contained in tefillin are also contained mezuzot, and it is possible that someone looking from outside the faith could conflate the purposes of the items, and — believing that a mezuzah exists to ward off evil — think that tefillin do the same.

At best, though, that gets us to why tefillin are “amulets” and therefore “phylacteries.” So what does this have to do with dead bodies?

In the context that the poster shared with Rabbi Ruttenberg, a “lich” is a powerful being, like a wizard, sorcerer, priest, or king, who as cheated death by becoming something unholy. This comes from the Dungeons & Dragons tabletop roleplaying game, but has since spread. This transformation is accomplished by powerful rituals, one of which removes the soul from the body and protects it in a … phylactery. Once this is accomplished, the body is no longer truly alive, but no amount of decay or misfortune can “kill” the lich. Basically, the destruction of the lich’s body is temporary. Eventually, the body will reform in the location of the phylactery. So the phylactery serves a literal purpose (it “guards” the lich’s soul/spirit/life force), and it’s a wearable talisman that the body will reconstitute wearing.

The notion of the lich as a powerful unliving being went through a number of revisions and transformations, as things do in a game that’s existed for over 40 years, but the phylactery has been around for quite a while. And yes, there are fellow D&D folks that will argue with me that the phylactery doesn’t have to be wearable, but

  1. that’s an exception, not the “rule” (such as rules go for imaginary make-believe)
  2. it ignores what the word “phylactery” means.

More recent editions of the game (that is, almost 20 years ago … ) have specifically described the lich’s phylactery as “a sealed metal box containing strips of parchment on which arcane phrases were inscribed.” Sound familiar?

World of Warcraft draws heavily from Dungeons & Dragons. Their conception of the lich is pulled directly from the game. However, by the time the term ‘phylactery’ gets to WoW, it’s got nothing to do with tefillin or even amulets anymore. It’s just a house for the lich’s soul.

In a certain sense, some people confuse phylacteries with the idea of canopic jars (from Egyptian mummification practices), but even that’s strange, because canopic jars hold viscera, not souls. The heart (the seat of the soul) doesn’t even get a canopic jar. It stays in the body. But let’s not pretend that most people understand the funerary practices of ancient peoples not of their own faith.

All of this is why you have things called phylacteries in D&D and the games that descend from it that look nothing like tefillin (or amulets), but are using the word to mean “soul-container.”

I suspect the original use of phylactery in D&D was meant to be a cool, arcane-sounding word that most people had little interaction with, but later grew to embrace the tefillin connection. I can’t be sure.

Moral of the story: there’s even more of a reason not to call tefillin “phylacteries.” They are tefillin.

Words are weird and fun.

Cortijo followed up with another thread exploring the history of the usage in D&D:

Getting a little bit tired of the disingenuous argument that the word “phylactery” in D&D wasn’t originally meant to invoke Jewish tefillin. So I’m going to go through this a different way this time.

In the AD&D Monster Manual (1977), we learn:

The lich posses from a state of humanity to a non-human, nonliving existence through force of will. It retains this status by certain conjurations, enchantments, and a phylactery.

What’s a phylactery? Who knows?

Turns out, the 1st Edition Dungeon Masters Guide knows! From the glossary:

Phylactery — An arm wrapping with a container holding religious writings, thus a form of amulet or charm.

I’ll admit to only having access to the 1979 Revised Edition of the DMG, so there’s a possibility things changed.

But this language is specifically taking tefillin — a Jewish ritual object that consists of two sets of leather straps with which boxes containing important religious texts are affixed to the head and arm — and conflating it with the Greek root for the common (mis)translation.

[⋯]

First: The DMG listing has at least three non-lich phylacteries. The phylacteries of long years, faithfulness, and monster attraction (the last one cursed) are all cleric-only items, reinforcing that these are understood as ritual objects. They’re not just magic items Joe Fighterman can pick up and use.

Second: Prior to AD&D, lich phylacteries didn’t exist at all. Their original appearance as we recognize D&D liches, in the Greyhawk supplement, says liches are “now alive only by means of great spells and will because of being in some way disturbed.” Supplement III: Eldritch Wizardry gave them the possibility of psionic powers, but still: no phylactery. No item of any kind that served as the focus of the lich’s undead might.

Third: Lich’s didn’t return via their phylacteries until later. The idea is first proposed in The Dragon #26, “Bazaar of the Bizarre–Blueprint for a Lich” (subtitle redacted because it’s unnecessary here; you can find it). This article was written in 1979 by Len Lakofka. The article describes the process by which a spellcaster becomes a lich, how a lich returns when its physical body is destroyed, and the fact that liches lose power with each return to life. Another interesting point: this article, the word phylactery appears exactly zero times.

That’s right. The idea of the D&D lich returning from destruction comes from an article that never, not once, uses the term we now think applies almost exclusively to that item. Most D&D players have only ever heard the word phylactery in relation to the lich.

In the article, it’s called a jar.

No fancy word. No religious connotation. No poor translations.

It’s a jar.


Down through the Rules Cyclopedia (1991), I can’t find any reference in Basic D&D to a lich’s phylactery at all. It seems an element solely of AD&D.

I’m happy to admit being wrong about it, but for now it means I can stick to the progression of editions fairly linearly.

In AD&D 2nd Edition, the Monstrous Compendium Vol 1 (1989) is where we finally get the repetitively immortal lich its phylactery. Gone, at least for the lich, is any connection between the phylactery and a religious text worn on the arm or forehead.

The same three non-lich items appear in the DMG, though, and now only one of them is specifically worn on the arm, because there’s no glossary in 2nd Edition to explain what a phylactery “is” in the game’s estimation. For added confusion, the 2E phylacteries are also on the same random item table as amulets.

Throughout 2E, phylacteries continue to appear in Dragon Magazine and in Al-Qadim, and their descriptions specifically invoke the descriptions of Jewish tefillin.

In 3rd Edition, phylacteries got drawn back closer to their tefillin roots. The phylactery of faithfulness is “a small box containing holy scripture affixed to a leather cord.” (3E DMG). A lich’s phylactery is most commonly “a sealed metal box containing strips of parchment on which magical phrases have been inscribed … [with] a leather strap so that the owner can wear it on the forearm or head.” (3E Monster Manual). In 4E, the language is almost identical.

By 5E, the only phylactery in the game is the lich’s phylactery, and it’s “traditionally an amulet in the shape of a small box.” (5E Monster Manual) Still evoking tefillin, but now without any counterbalance in the form of beneficial magic items of any sort.

There is not a single edition of D&D that uses the word phylactery but doesn’t understand it as a placeholder for “tefillin, except a tiny bit more generic” (i.e. less Jewish).

In my thread a couple of years ago, I suggested that perhaps “phylactery” was used as a cool-sounding word, in lieu of amulet, that then grew to encompass multiple items. I no longer believe that. It’s now clear that Gygax specifically used the word to connect what Jews call tefillin with magical amulets and protective wards. Which they categorically are not.

Tefillin are signs and reminders of obligations. In that sense, only the phylactery of faithfulness is “correct.”

Just to make a couple of things clear:

  • I am not saying that the use of the word phylactery is antisemitic. As a Jew, I have always disliked the term phylactery to describe tefillin, but it isn’t hateful. It is inaccurate, or at best, incomplete. Tefillin are not amulets.
  • I would prefer that the game not use the word phylactery, because outside of D&D, the word is generally associated solely with tefillin, so most people doing a search will make a one-to-one correlation between a lich’s phylactery and Jewish tefillin. Which is not comfortable.
  • The use of the term phylactery specifically for the lich’s soul repository is a holdover from previous editions and probably should go. Because, well, all this. At minimum, a lich’s phylactery (whether tefillin-style or not) should have to be worn, and that’s not the case.

If you’ve genuinely never seen tefillin before, here is what they look like. One is worn on the forehead, the other on the nondominant arm (from bicep to fingers). This is the “arm wrapping with religious writings” that D&D originally understood a phylactery to be.

Little Light adds a common observation:

All this and adding that probably the lich-phylactery thing comes from Slavic folklore and Koschei the Deathless. So … yeah.

As Wikipedia notes:

The most common feature of tales involving Koschei is a spell which prevents him from being killed. He hides "his death" inside nested objects to protect it. For example, his death may be hidden in a needle that is hidden inside an egg, the egg is in a duck, the duck is in a hare, the hare is in a chest, the chest is buried or chained up on a far island

Buzz has a Stack Exchange post (!) with more background on the evolution of the idea in D&D:

This is an old question, but it’s gotten bumped, so I am sharing some old research that I was a part of about twenty-five years ago. There are not (to my knowledge) any archives of the bulletin board where this was discussed, but I remember the rough conclusions that we came to. We were coming to the question from the point of view of Dungeons & Dragons players, and we came to a D&D-related conclusion; however, we were not looking for evidence that had to come specifically from the game.

The word phylactery was based on a previous Greek word meaning, roughly, amulet, indicating a magical protective charm of a size to be carried on one’s person. Phylactery was used both in this generalized meaning and in the specific meaning of tefillah, for essentially the entire history of the word. However, there were probably no instances of the soul jar meaning until 1979.

In the AD&D Monster Manual (1977), the lich was described as needing phylactery to maintain its state as a free-willed, thinking undead monster. At that point, the mention of the phylactery was just a bit flavor text, like that found in many of the Monster Manual entries. It is not clear which meaning of phylactery E. Gary Gygax had in mind, although he was extremely erudite and referenced all sorts of miscellaneous trivia in the AD&D game rules, so I suspect that he probably knew of the Jewish meaning. The accompanying artwork by David A. Trampier showed the monster wearing a crown, with a protruding block on the front that could be either a jewel or a tefillah.

an elaborately-dressed skeleton wearing a crown with a jewel
Monster Manual “Lich”

While Gygax and Trampier may have known the religious meaning of phylactery, it appears that Len Lakofka may not have. In his article “Blueprint for Lich” (Dragon Magazine #26, page 36; later reprinted in one of the Best of Dragon anthologies), the process he describes (via which a wizard may become a lich) focuses on a soul object that the mage’s life energy must be stored in as part of the process. Lakofka never used the word “phylactery” in the article, but it certainly appears that the Monster Manual phylactery and Lakofka’s soul jar are meant to be one and the same. The connection was made explicit in the Endless Quest (like Choose Your Own Adventure) book Lair of the Lich in 1985.

book cover featuring another skeleton with a jewel’d crown

Jewish-themed’d TTRPGs

It seems sensible to plug these here:

  • If I Were A Lich, Man is “a trilogy of funny Jewish roleplaying games about creative resistance against authoritarianism. The villains in the stories of our oppressors become the heroes in our play. Written and illustrated by a team of avant-garde Jewish designers.”
  • Doikayt: A Jewish TTRPG Anthology “of short tabletop roleplaying games about Judaism or Jewish themes, written and illustrated by Jews. It was organized by JR Goldberg and Riley Rethal, featuring 10+ Jewish tabletop games by incredible Jewish designers. In Yiddish, the word doikayt translates to ‘hereness’. While hereness can be interpreted in many ways, we take it to mean that a Jewish person’s ideology, practices and traditions are a product of their environment, and it is these differences in background and knowledge from sources around the world that make the Jewish people so stalwart.
  • Dream Askew / Dream Apart “contains two games of belonging outside belonging. Dream Askew explores the story of a queer enclave amid the collapse of civilization. Dream Apart explores the story of a Jewish shtetl in a fantastical version of nineteenth-century Eastern Europe. Dream Apart gives us demons and wedding jesters; betrothals and pogroms; mystical ascensions and accusations of murder; the sounds of the shofar ringing through cramped and muddy streets, of cannon fire, of the wolf’s footfalls in the snowy pine forest; asking ‘What do you do next?’”